Post on 12-Mar-2016
description
2 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
+
Published by Global Majority 479 Pacific Street Suite 5C, Monterey, CA 93940 www.globalmajority.org Editor: Jennie Konsella-Norene Co-Editors: Kit Alviz and Katie Holland Cover design by: Rebecca Walters Copyright Global Majority. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior written permission of Global Majority
‘Transitional Injustice’ 2009
Global Majority and The Center for Human
Rights Studies facilitated a three-week
course on Human Rights and Chile’s
Vulnerable Populations from January 5-20,
2009. The seminar-practicum entitled
‘Transitional Injustice’ focused on Chile’s
history of democracy and dictatorship,
human rights abuse and transitional justice,
and had a particular focus on the role of the
judicial system in terms of the protection of
rights of the most vulnerable populations.
It was designed to enlighten students on
the situation of human rights in Chile as
well as to fully understand the current
problems of discrimination and abuse that
the Mapuche face. The program was run by
Hon. Juan Guzmán Tapia, director of
Universidad Central’s Center for Human
Rights Studies, Dr. Jan Black, professor of
International Policy Studies at the Monterey
Institute of International Studies; and
Global Majority. Twenty-one graduate
students from The Monterey Institute of
International Studies attended the program.
About This Event
Human Rights and Chile’s Vulnerable Populations
January 5-20, 2009
Santiago, Chile
Table of Contents
About This Event p. 1
About Global Majority p. 2
About the Center for Human Rights p. 3
Executive Summary p. 5
About The Monterey Institute p. 4
Student Articles p. 6-22
About Juana Calfunao p. 14
Recommended Readings & Resources p. 23
Practicum Agenda p. 24
Practicum Coordinators p. 25
Practicum Participants p. 26
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
3 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Global Majority is an international,
nonprofit organization that
promotes the non-violent
resolution of conflict through
education, negotiation, mediation
and advocacy. The organization
believes that violent conflict is
antithetical to the sustained growth
and health of humanity, and
therefore all forms of informal and
formal dialogue to be essential and
preferred methods of conflict
resolution. Thus Global Majority’s
activities promote peace through
dialogue. These include advocacy
campaigns that embody its aim to
give voice to the global majority;
both local and international
education and training through
workshops and conferences.
Furthermore, along with research
and analysis of current and past
conflicts and resolution practices,
Global Majority is building an
alliance of organizations and global
citizens devoted to peace and
alternative dispute resolution.
Global Majority members share a
common commitment to organize
and facilitate an international
movement promoting nonviolent
conflict resolution.
Violence is too often the preferred
option for resolving conflict; it is
rooted in various circumstances,
including political marginalization,
poverty, racial and gender
discrimination, environmental
degradation, population
displacement, and inadequate
healthcare. Global Majority believes
that most societies around the world
desire peace but too often lack a
voice in life-affecting decisions.
Global Majority is cultivating a
global network to pressure state and
non-state actors to foster dialogue
and avoid resorting to violence. The
organization recognizes and
emphasizes the universal human
right of all people to realize their
fullest potential of human capacity
and develop cultures of peace.
About Global Majority
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
4 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
The Center for Human Rights of
Central University in Santiago, Chile
focuses on the promotion of human
rights. The center encourages a
culture of human rights where all
social actors participate and where
all rights are respected. The center
strives to defend human rights
violations and to promote actions
against them. They advocate that
every person’s rights should be
recognized regardless of race, sex, or
condition. The purpose of the Center
for Human Rights is to be an
academic reference in the
investigation of Chile and Latin
America in relation to the education,
justice, and democratic transition
and has received several awards for
his work. Patricia Albornoz
Guzman is the co-director of the
center. As a lawyer, she has worked
on various projects and
investigations in conjunction with
many sectors of Central University
as well as other public and private
national and international
institutions. Her vast experience in
the human rights sector makes her a
valuable asset to the center’s team.
María Paz Narca B is the center’s
journalist and photographer who
compiles publications and
documents all events.
reflection, and debate of the actual
violations of human rights that exist
in these countries as well as around
the world. The goal is to promote
human rights and leave a positive
impression on younger generations
regarding justice, equality, diversity,
and liberty. The center has been
open for just over a year and they
look forward to contributing to both
national and international knowledge
of human rights.
Juan Guzmán Tapia is the director of
the center and has impressive
experience in the field of justice. He
has been internationally recognized
for his defense of human rights,
About the Center for Human Rights
2009
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
5 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
donec vitae leo.
Institute for Foreign Studies, the school’s focus was on
promoting international understanding through the
study of language and culture. This belief of the
founders is still a guiding light for the Institute’s
educational philosophy. Over the years, the Institute
added new programs, and faculty, expanding its global
reach and strengthening its educational mission.
The Monterey Institute is widely recognized as one of
the most academically prestigious language and
international policy studies schools in the country.
The Institute’s graduates are prominent in the US
Foreign Service, in language teaching leadership, and
in the international business community. The
Monterey Institute of International Studies recently
partnered with Middlebury College of Vermont.
Middlebury, founded in 1800, is a leader in language
education, international economics and
environmental studies.
The mission of the Monterey Institute of International
Studies, an affiliate of Middlebury College, is to develop
professionals who, through their knowledge, research,
language proficiency, fine-tuned intercultural skills, and
specialized expertise, are prepared to manage, lead, and
inspire others to address today’s global challenges.
The Institute offers graduate degrees in translation and
interpretation, international policy studies,
international environmental policy, business
administration, public administration and language
teaching. The Institute’s core values are based upon
excellence achieved through continuous improvement
and innovation, a multicultural community with a
global reach, the belief that each person can make a
difference, and the idea that multi-lingual and multi-
cultural skills are essential.
The Monterey Institute of International Studies was
founded in 1955 by Gaspard Weiss, Remsen Bird, and
Dwight Morrow Jr. Originally known as the Monterey
About the Monterey Institute of International Studies
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
6 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Executive Summary By Jennie Konsella-Norene
The 'Transitional Injustice' seminar-practicum was
an incredible opportunity to directly explore the
struggles that the indigenous communities of Chile
face. It emphasized the urgency in acknowledging
these struggles and pressuring the Chilean
government to recognize Mapuche rights. The
practicum focused on Chile’s history of democracy
and dictatorship, human rights abuse and
transitional justice, and had a particular focus on the
role of the judicial system in terms of the protection
of rights of the most vulnerable populations.
Students began the course in Santiago where they
learned about the history of Chile, the dictatorship,
and the Mapuche culture. They then had the
opportunity to travel to various Mapuche
communities to listen to concerns of community
members and to witness the impact of environmental
degradation, a lack of access to resources,
contamination, and land deprivation. The practicum
ended with reflections on the course, guest speakers,
and special lectures from Judge Juan Guzmán Tapia
and professor Jan Black. This newsletter aims to
capture the key ideas and spirit of the course and will
be useful for students, activists, and organizations
that strive to address the conflicts and struggles of the
Mapuche communities in Chile.
“Indigenous peoples around the world have sought recognition of their identities, their ways of life and their right to traditional lands, territories and natural resources; yet throughout history, their rights have been violated. Indigenous peoples are arguably among the most disadvantaged and vulnerable groups of people in the world today. The international community now recognizes that special measures are required to protect the rights of the world’s indigenous peoples.”
~ United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNFPII)
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
7 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Since serving in Chile in the early 1960s as a founding
generation peace Corps Volunteer, I had returned
often, but the prospect of collaborating with my
friend Juan Guzman, known now around the world as
the judge who dared to prosecute General Pinochet,
was an offer I could not refuse. I was also elated by
the prospect of sharing with Monterey Institute
students in January 2009 my own deep sense of
appreciation for and kinship with all things Chilean.
Chile, moreover, is a most fruitful locale for learning
about human rights and human wrongs – abuses and
protections – not only because of the tyranny and
terror the population experienced between the
Pinochetazo (military onslaught) in 1973 and the
beginnings of democratic transition at the end of the
1980s, but also because this awful fate had befallen a
country that until that time had been among the most
nearly democratic and politically stable of Latin
America.
The transition process, halting and arduous, seemed
almost complete at last by the middle of this first
decade of the twenty-first century. The war wounds
inflicted by bombs and artillery on The Moneda, the
presidential palace, had been patched up, and the
plaza beyond was guarded on both sides by statues of
the fallen democratic leaders, Salvador Allende and
Eduardo Frei. One of the most notorious of the
torture centers, Villa Grimaldi, had been converted
into a memorial to its victims, and the Santiago
Stadium, where beloved folksinger Victor died at
the hands of his torturers, now bears Jara’s name.
Strikes and demonstrations and cultural events
that would have been rare even two or three years
earlier have been commonplace since 2005, and
expressions and body language suggests that
people have begun finally to exhale.
Nevertheless, the process that has come to be
known as democratic transition rarely extends
rights beyond the social categories who had
enjoyed them before the onset of authoritarianism.
That means that persecution comes to be re-
concentrated on the poor, who had always been
vulnerable. In Chile, in particular, sociopolitical
participation had been limited and tenuous for
slum and shanty-town dwellers, working and
would-be working classes, and the indigenous even
before the Pinochetazo. “Barrios populares,” or the
people’s neighborhoods, like La Victoria, which
had suffered the brunt of Pinochet’s anger and
paranoia, continue to be harassed and preyed upon
by the same carabineros, or militarized police, who
occupied them regularly during the military
dictatorship, though now such persecution is in the
name of vigilance against terrorism, drug-dealing,
Stretch Marks of Chile’s Rebirth: Pushing the Parameters of Transition
Jan Knippers Black
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
8 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
and youth gangs. Meanwhile, Chile’s largest
indigenous nation, the Mapuche, faces new claims
on and desecration of their lands by foreign lumber
and mining companies. New assaults on Mapuche
rights and culture, responding to Mapuche
attempts to protect their communities and
livelihoods, are now misrepresented and
intensified through reckless government use of
anti-terrorism legislation. The upshot, as
elaborated in the essays that follow, is a situation
in which many indigenous communities are
continuously surrounded by carabinero
encampments, and residents feel that they are in
virtual detention on what remains of their now
despoiled lands.
That is not to say, however, that the peoples still
excluded from the liberation of transition are
simply settling for victimization. Far from it. City
walls here and there that in the early sixties bore
graffiti telling “Yanquis” to go home and in the late
seventies wore a bone-chilling whitewash – as
silent as the people who darted nervously past.
Now dazzle with triumphalist murals. La Victoria,
notwithstanding the carabineros on watch, has
become a stroll-through art museum, depicting in
professionally-executed murals the recent history
of a people who have suffered and have overcome.
And a locally generated broadcast and
documentary production studio, Senal 3, is
reaching out to assist the Mapuche in
communicating their plight and their aspirations to
a larger world. Murals in Mapuche country, from
Temuco south to the stunningly beautiful region of
lakes and volcanoes, also tell of a heroic struggle,
though reaching farther back in time to successful
resistance against conquest first by Inca, then by
Spanish, imperial forces. That spirit has been
reinvigorated by the example of what can be
accomplished in Chile even by a single courageous
and committed individual like Judge Juan Guzman, as
well as by what indigenous peoples around the world
can achieve when they pull together. Inspired
particularly by the UN declaration on the rights of the
indigenous adopted by the General Assembly in 2007,
Mapuche leaders have launched a new program to
educate their communities about the individual and
collective rights to which they are entitled under
international law and to motivate them to explore
strategies for ensuring that those rights will be
respected.
Through our collaborative seminar-practicum in
January 2009, Monterey Institute students had the
great privilege of participating in the launching, at the
headquarters of the Consejo de Todas las Tierras
(Council of All the Nations) in Temuco of the Escuela
de Autogobierno, or School for Self-Determination.
Moreover, walking among the working people of
Chile, whether urban or rural, with Judge Juan
Guzman (Pictured below with Professor Black), was
in itself a rare privilege – rather like, one supposes,
walking around India with Mahatma Gandhi.
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
9 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Lets face it, transitional democracy is
sexy. The words have been
romanticized- transitions from
dictatorships to people power, and
the victory of citizenship. However,
transitional democracy is dragging its
shredded feet like a prisoner of war.
Painful wounds have slowed the road
to social freedom and unfortunately,
the most threatening abrasion is
promoted by the state: the market
economy. The worst part? The global
community prematurely calls it a step
towards “democracy”, while the
public simply says, “Well done.” Chile
is a prime example. The international
media and accessible public reports
praise the government’s progressive
initiatives and human rights
ratifications, yet somehow, many
have missed the one million people
still stuck in a dictatorship. Though
Chile’s standard dictatorship ended
with Pinochet’s ousting in 1988,
many promises of change made by
elected officials have not been kept.
The Pinochet Constitution still
operates, rejecting the Mapuche
Indigenous as a distinct community,
and legally binding them to poverty.
Pinochet embezzled 500,000 of the
750,000 acres the Mapuche owned in
the late 1970s, and though all
subsequent Presidents have promised
to restore it, land reform has been
anything but progressive. I visited
Chile in January with a Student
Practicum to examine democratic
transitions and the impediments to
Mapuche human rights. We traveled
with Judge Juan Guzman, the famed
Pinochet prosecutor and one of the few
standing up for the Mapuche cause.
Contrary to the international praise
reports of Chilean democracy, the
Mapuche are victims of state abuse.
Large transnational forestry industries
and paper mills surround
communities, while they face police
brutality and systematic terrorism
daily. As thirsty, non-native trees
deplete their already scarce natural
water sources, they struggle to gain
legal rights as they are also often
charged and imprisoned for crimes
they did not commit. The question
remains, why? As the bus bounced to
our fifth community, the leader of
Mininco stood and said, “Vean esta
fábrica.” The bus stopped and we
stepped out. The CMPC Celulosa
factory professing to “use the latest
proven production technologies
that are environmentally sound and
provide the ultimate level of safety”
stood before us. Strangely
contradicting Celulosa’s claim, we
learned that this paper mill
contaminates the rivers that flow
directly to the 500-person
community below-- causing child
diarrhea, miscarriages, deformities
in animals, and rotting agriculture.
As we took pictures, documenting
the ugly character and awful smells,
a man appeared from the factory
gates. He lifted a camera and to my
great surprise, began snapping
photos of us. I was struck. Why was
he taking pictures of us? To report
us? What kind of credibility does
Celulosa have? And why would he
think, for even a second, that he has
more power than the human and
environmental rights activists.
Democracy…Really? On the Economic Fast-Track to a One Culture World
By Cory Belden
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
10 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
should consider protecting and keeping what we still
have, rather than just apathetically marveling. The
Mapuche are still here. The Cherokee are still here. The
Pygmy, the Aymara, the Zapotecs, the Ami are still here.
Bu they are fading away. Though the West claims that
human rights declarations, the International Criminal
Court, and Official Development Assistance is enough—it
is not. We must face the truth as global citizens- states
are choosing to protect the capital before the people.
While Chile receives $24 billion from industries in the
south, the Mapuche communities pray on their sacred
grounds, surrounded by burnt eucalyptus and vast
barren land without support from other Chileans or
international advocates. There must be a better way.
Chile has provided us with a warning: an alert to quit
while we still can. Stop naming every nation a romantic
transition to public justice just because they have
instituted elections. Forget mentioning “democracy”
when the state is not equally protecting every citizen, and
when transnational companies have more rights than
humans. And for God’s sake, be truthful to yourself- this
is nothing new- the failures of our economic model are
on a speed train to a one-culture world and an
environmentally exclusive global system. Let’s
remember the Mapuche, and pour one down for human
awareness, and active public participation. Before it’s
too late.
Incredible still, while we were attempting to rattle
Celulosa for causing environmental and human harm,
the man was accusing us for disrupting capital flow.
And then it hit me. As we purchase our daily paper
materials, (the U.S. is the primary buyer of these
exports), we prevent true democracy and violate
human rights. We are those exterminating Mapuche
communities, and the market-economy is the culprit
yet again. Without global participative democracy, the
market-economy is promoting a one-culture world.
The Western model (Chile following) has given priority
to consumption. To Celulosa and other multinationals,
the human rights activists are a threat. The Mapuche
people are a threat. Anything that stands in the way of
production and recapitulation of wealth is degraded,
including humanity itself. This fast-paced priority
capitalism is squashing numerous cultures and nations
around the world. At a community meeting, I took a
moment and watched these harmless people pass a cup
of traditional drink. One by one, each Mapuche tipped it
to the ground before drinking. When I asked why, the
man squatting near me met my eyes: “We must give
back to what gives to us.” Right, giving back. We must
protect the people and the earth, while encouraging
economic growth. So while we (the public with rights)
visit our Indigenous museums and green parks,
admiring the culture and tranquility, perhaps we
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
11 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
The extensive human rights
abuses during the Pinochet
dictatorship in Chile are well
documented. While many efforts
have been made to heal the
wounds from this horrifying past,
little has been mentioned
concerning the abuses taking place
under the current democratic
government. Chile is home to
more than one million indigenous
people and the Mapuche account
for almost 90% of this population.1
Mapuche means ‘people of the
land’ in their native language and
symbolizes the strong connection
and cultural identity they maintain
with the earth. For centuries the
Mapuche resisted Spanish
conquest and imposed culture; a
long history that represents a
continuous and current attempt to
defend the relationship they have
with the land. Since the return of
democracy in 1990, Chile has tried
to enjoy some of the characteristics
that usually come with a democratic
government. Yet the shadow of
military rule often overpowers the
quality and true existence of
democracy. As a result, Chile has
continued to follow many of the
economic policies developed by the
military in the 1970’s so the
exploitation of natural resources is a
current, accelerating problem. Chile
has been under extreme pressure to
develop quickly under a neo-liberal
model, thus capitalistic values are
given priority before environmental
and human rights issues. 2 The lack
of attention placed on
environmental and human rights
issues is especially impacting the
Mapuche. The right to land, which
is usually protected under both
international and national laws,
does not apply to indigenous
people in Chile. The International
Labor Organization (ILO)
Convention 169 is a prime
example, which states that
indigenous people have a right to
decide on their own development
projects and to have influence and
decision-making power in
economic, social, and cultural
development that directly impacts
them. 3 Adopted in 1989, only 18
countries have ratified the
convention. The Chilean
government recently ratified it, yet
little progress has been made to
protect the rights of indigenous
peoples and to enforce the
fulfillment of the convention.
Chile’s Mapuche: The Struggle for Justice Jennie Konsella-Norene
Picture by Michelle Seivers
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
12 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
- sodales.
Although the exploitation and
abuse of the Mapuche began long
before the military dictatorship,
the Mapuche continue to be
victims of Pinochet even after his
death. The 1978 Amnesty Law
enforced by Pinochet exempting
the military and armed forces
from prosecution for human
rights violations committed
during the dictatorship is still
being applied. 4 For this reason,
the Chilean justice system has
also been damaging to the
Mapuche people. The misuses of
anti-terrorism laws are used
against the Mapuche anad cause
unjust arrests and violence. Many
Mapuche have been arrested
under these laws that grant the
government the right to hold
prisoners for months without trial,
to withhold evidence from defense
attorneys, and to permit the
testimony of unknown witnesses.
Various human rights organizations
have criticized Chile for their anti-
terrorism legislation, as it is
inapplicable for punishing crimes
that might be illegal but that are not
acts of terrorism. Under the anti-
terrorism accusations, the Chilean
government is essentially denying
the Mapuche of their right to justice.
Instead of holding fair trials, the
Mapuche who are accused of crimes
are tried in military courts where
they have little hope against a
system where those who have
violated the rights of the indigenous
people have an almost perfect
record of impunity. The current
situation of the Mapuche is an
extreme case of human rights
violations. Under the supposed
democracy that Chile holds, the
government should be morally and
legally responsible to protect the
rights of its citizens from those who
would violate even the most basic
rights. The Chilean government as
well as the international community
must commit the time and resources
necessary to eradicate these issues
and recognize the indigenous
community as not only citizens but
as human beings.
Notes:
1. Parellada, A. (2006) “The Indigenous World 2006: Chile” 2. Von Malmborg, M. 1999. The Chilean Mapuche-Pehuenches’ 3. International Finance Corporation: “ILO Convention 169 and the Private Sector.” http://www.ifc.org/ifcext/enviro.nsf/AttachmentsByTitle/p_ILO169/$FILE/ILO_169.pdf 4. Matear, A. 2004. ‘The Pinochet Case: The Catalyst for Deepening Democracy in Chile?’ Fighting for Human Rights. 117-120. 5. Parellada, A. (2006) ‘The Indigenous World 2006: Chile’
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
13 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Mapuche: In the Search for Truth and Justice Leah Cassidy
major element of the population. Avelino Meñaco,
the lonco of Communidad Pascual Coña was 17 years
old when Pinochet came to power. The hope for
democracy brought an expectation of freedom for
the Mapuche. When democracy was restored, in
Meñaco’s experience he felt that, “Everything
continued to be the same.” In his eyes there is little
democracy in Chile, a sentiment often echoed by
many Mapuche.1 “Full participation in a democratic
society can only occur if the issue of accountability is
dealt with”1 and if the demands for truth and justice
of all parties scarred by history are answered.
Unwittingly or not, the government, employing
discriminatory tactics has created two parallel states
sharing an uneasy space, the Chilean state and the
Mapuche state. The rights of Mapuche continue to be
exploited through police repression, invasive
infrastructure projects and government approval of
environmentally harmful forestry, mining and
industrial projects. Criminalization of Mapuche by
both the political and legal systems, supported by
the strength of the Carabineros, persists. It is little
wonder the Mapuche are so disaffected with Chile.
The most fundamental right of the Mapuche is to
maintain their own specific cultural identity tied to
the earth, which not only provides a way of life but
also is the “media of cultural and spiritual integrity
for the entire community.”1
Nations often re-tell their glorious pasts. Conquests
are commemorated and written down in history books
for prosperity purposes. This history contributes in
part to feelings of national identity and holds
particular relevance to citizens. More relevant but
under-reported, is the history that has been omitted
by those in power. Gross violations of human rights
including genocide, torture, rape, disappearances,
murder, false imprisonment, detention, cruel and
inhuman treatment and punishment are part of this
world’s un-glorious past. These international crimes
are also part of the present as well as the future of
nations. Political and military repression, corruption,
economic discrimination and other forms of
misgovernment are common forms of abuse. In fact
“around the world, people are far more apt to be
harmed by their own than by other governments.”1 In
the name of national security, human rights, including
the rights to truth and justice have been abandoned
and atrocities justified. Chile continues to struggle
with demands for truth and justice for the many
murdered, tortured and ‘disappeared’ during the 17
years of the Pinochet dictatorship. Difficulties are
apparent in this country trying to come to terms with
Chilean hurts and attempting to heal Chilean wounds.
However the progress made by mainstream Chilean
society in the transitional justice process and the
transition to democracy has left out the Mapuche, a
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
14 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
donec vitae leo.
lawmakers and policy makers in the government
buildings above. Oscar Wilde said, “The one duty we
owe to history is to rewrite it.” Embracing the truth
and enacting justice according to the rule of law, would
raise the credibility of Chile and strengthen its
legitimacy in the international sphere. Reconciliation
cannot be possible if denial and impunity is
institutionalized within the governing authority.
Hopefully Chile will rewrite history and use this
experience to search for the truth and bring justice to
the hidden and the voiceless.
A lack of validation and invitation to participate fully in
the Chilean democracy further disengages the Mapuche
from Chile. The unwillingness on the part of the Chilean
government to seriously acknowledge the suffering and
make reparations for the injustice experienced is a sign
that Chile has yet to fully transition to democracy.
Meanwhile, the Mapuche are the subject of political
rhetoric and presidential protocols. The Mapuche
display in the underground museum, Centro Cultural
under La Moneda is a startling metaphor for the
Mapuche struggle, hidden away from ‘normal society,’
exploited for Chile’s benefit and distanced from the
Picture above taken by Marja Byekirova
Notes:
1. International Council on Human Rights Policy, Duties sans Frontières: Human Rights and Global Social Justice (2003), 48. 2. Community Meeting, “Pascual Coña.” Digital video recording. Lleu Lleu, Chile, 13 January 2009. 3. Alexandra B. De Brito, Human Rights and Democratization in Latin America: Uruguay and Chile (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1997), 1. 4. Ronald Niezen, The Origins of Indigenism: Human Rights and The Politics of Identity, 75.
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
15 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Chile’s transition to democracy, after the bloody
seventeen-year dictatorship under Augusto Pinochet, has
produced a thriving national economy with heavy
international investment, high wages, a strong national
infrastructure and a sense of national reconciliation.
However, with a transition to democracy comes
democratic rule of law, which is held in place by the
people’s respect for the government, and “in a democracy
respect for authority must be based on its legitimacy, and
legitimacy is always open to question and challenge.”1 A
government’s legitimacy is always open to question
because “legitimacy is the belief that in spite of
shortcomings and failures, the existing political
institutions are better than any others that might be
established, and that they therefore can demand
obedience.”2 This being the case, to assert that a
government is legitimate is to assert approval for it and
thus respect for its authority.3 Therefore the fight for
legitimacy as discussed here is a fight for approval on both
the side of the Chilean State and that of the Mapuche. In
Chile the indigenous population, the majority of which are
Mapuche, have suffered because of the government’s
development policies, and “while the living standards of
the rest of the country continue to improve, Mapuche in
the south live in an impoverished enclave.”4 This disparity
has helped to foster an age-old “us and them” socio-
political disaccord between the Mapuche and the Chilean
state, which has become a fight for legitimacy. . The state
has fought to legitimize its actions, through the use of
anti-terrorism language and legislation and through
economic and social policies, which are designed to
legitimize the treatment of and to discredit the Mapuche.
The Mapuche have fought to bring legitimacy to their
land claims through social protest and community
organization. During the visits conducted in a variety of
Mapuche communities by a group of students from the
Monterey Institute of International Studies (MIIS) in
January 2009, it became apparent that the Mapuche
continue their historical role as outcasts. To the
Mapuche the Chileans are huinca and the Chileans still
view the Mapuche as violent, lazy drunks who, refuse to
adapt to Chilean culture. However, the Mapuche are now
also considered to be terrorists and because of the
government’s use of anti-terrorism language and
application of the Terrorism Act prejudices against the
Mapuche continue to be reinforced and their grievances
delegitimized in Chilean popular opinion. There is fault
on either side, despite their mostly legal demonstrations
and protests some Mapuche have resorted to violence
and illegal means, however the move into illegality has
been more out of desperation to be heard by their
country rather than a desire to provoke the government.
If the government desires the Mapuche to act completely
within the law it must take steps to normalize normalize
Mapuche and the State: A Battle for Legitimacy By Josh Lease
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
16 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
relations with the Mapuche. The first should be to
stop trying Mapuche under the Terrorism Act and
“the government should publicly recognize that
despite the criminal nature of some Mapuche actions,
many of their protest actions are lawful and in
response to legitimate social demands.”5 The
Mapuche on the other hand could continue to fight
for their rights and work to organize their
communities within the law, as in the case of the
Consejo de todas las tierras in Temuco and the newly
formed Escuela Autogobierno Mapuche (Mapuche
Self-governance School). To diffuse their message
abroad the Mapuche should invite more international
groups to their communities such as the students
from MIIS, Amnesty International and Human Rights
Watch because “most governments respond to
human rights pressures because they care about their
legitimacy in both the domestic and international
arenas.”6 Foreign groups need to publish what the
Chilean media refuses to publish and pressure other
governments to consider human rights in policy making
as it concerns Chile because “states not only care about
their material well-being, but also about their
legitimacy (that is, their normative standing) among
both domestic society and foreign states. As a result,
vigorous efforts to shame noncompliant states can
produce important changes in the targeted state even
in the absence of overwhelming economic sanctions or
military force.”7 Chile has no doubt come a long way
from the days of mass human rights violations but if it
hopes to “to maintain and legitimize its democratic
credentials the state must not only cease to violate but
also begin to create the necessary conditions so that the
basic human rights of all members of society are
safeguarded.”8 The Mapuche are an integral part of
Chilean history, culture and society and there is nothing
to say that both the state and the Mapuche could not
find legitimacy if the right steps are taken
collaboratively.
Notes: 1. Human Rights Watch. The Limits of Tolerance: Freedom of Expression and the Public Debate in Chile. (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1998) 4. 2. Linz, Juan. The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes: Crisis, Breakdown, and Re-equilibration. Vol. 1 of The Breakdown of Democratic Regimes, edited by Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan. (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 1978) 16. 3. Charles Boix and Susan C. Stokes, ed. The Oxford Hanbook of Comparative Politics. (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2007), 238. 4. Human Rights Watch, “Undue Process: Terrorism Trials, Military Courts, and the Mapuche in Southern Chile,Human Rights Watch 16, no. 5, 2004), 1. 5. Bialostozky, “The Misuse of Terrorism Prosecution in Chile,” 95. 6. Hawkins, International Human Rights and Authoritarian Rule in Chile, 27. 7. Hawkins, International Human Rights and Authoritarian Rule in Chile, 172 8. Alexadra B. De Brito, Human Rights and Democratization in Latin America: Uruguay and Chile (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1997), 223.
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
17 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
About Lonko Juana Calfunao Lonko Juana Calfunao is the leader of the
Juan Paillelef community and is an activist
in the struggle to recover land belonging
to the Mapuche people,which has been
occupied by neighboring landowners as
well as the Chilean state. She is a victim of
violent political persecution and her
situation is one of the most serious cases
of human rights violations in Chile. She is
truly an inspiration and seminar
participants were fortunate to meet her.
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
18 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Drawings by Lonko Juana Calfunao
‘Defending lands, defending rights, defending women’
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
19 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
‘Rooted in the land, the Mapuche live
to defend nature’
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
20 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
interested in the benefits of a particular business model.
Mapuche groups did not intentionally join this business
model, but from my observations, the modus operandi of
these groups, to protect the environment, is an incognizant
advancement of Mapuche social rights within an economic,
social, political system that is inherently business
oriented. One of the advantages of this approach is that it
does not encroach on Mapuche identity, and it allows them
an appropriate medium to fight for their rights as a people
group. In other words, the Mapuche can now operate
within a neoliberal system without losing their identity
(Mapuche individuals do not have to become lawyers or
businessmen/ women to resolve inter-cultural issues and
obtain human rights).
The Escuela de Autogobierno (Self-Governance School)
established by Mapuche communities in January 2009
reinforces the autonomy of the Mapuche with respect to
the fight for social rights and the maintenance of
indigenous identity. As the Mapuche become more socially
united and fulfill community needs, the hope is that they
will continue to innovatively advocate for their social
rights in a way that is most appropriate for them. Through
self-advocacy, the Mapuche will actively participate in the
process of development, without falling victim to wayside
projects that inadvertently neglect their needs. If Mapuche
communities continue to equip themselves and operate in
a way both congruent to the modern world, yet distinctly
indigenous, they will prove themselves worthy of
incorporation into a global system on their own terms
rather than experience an incommodious integration by
external forces. Now that promises progress for
development.
Posh, prudent, and pricey, from the prosperous to the
impoverished, development semantically and
practically hinders and helps millions. The definition of
development, though static has proved malleable in
practice: a discovery noted from extricable pockets of
development projects that become floor scraps before
their dollars can make sense. Contemporary
development organizations, programs, goals and
metrics follow a neoliberal structure with a twist of
grace. The incorporation of the business sector into
development efforts yields innovative results. People
groups typically targeted, as recipients of development
projects, are often savvy to their role within the
development system. Furthermore, these groups have
developed strategies, independent of outside influence,
that utilize business system models to further their
own interests. The Mapuche of southern Chile are one
such example. A new business model for
environmentally sustainable enterprise involves the
overlap of economic, social and environmental sectors.
Through process of elimination, the Mapuche have
discovered that the optimal path to secure their social
rights is to function within this sustainable business
model. Through advocating for environmental
protection, Mapuche members are fighting for their
social needs; and because advocacy for environmental
protection now often overlaps with greater social and
economic interest, Mapuche efforts can appeal to
powerful leaders (whether they be in business,
environmental groups, or governmental groups)
The Dynamics of Development Jennifer Billings
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
We have already been in Chile for
over a week and we are having an
amazing experience. Over the past
few days we have been traveling
around to various communities but
we are back in Temuco now for a
couple of nights. We just attended a
Mapuche community meeting of the
at the Consejo de Todas las Tierras
where Judge Juan Guzmán spoke
passionately about the need for self-
determination of the Mapuche
people. While the Mapuche have
inhabited the area in Chile and
Argentina for over 10,000 years, they
have been victims of marginalization
and severe discrimination for over
500 years. Though this discrimination
remains, they successfully fought back
both the Incas and the Conquistadors
and in some manner, the economic
policies of the past few decades. It
goes without saying that they have a
history of being fierce and formidable
warriors. We have thus far visited five
local Mapuche communities
throughout the Araucania region in
Southern Chile. All of them appear to
have their own characteristics, though
all fit under the umbrella of the
Mapuche nation. The word
Mapuche originated centuries ago.
Che means people and Mapu
means the land, thus the Mapuche
are literally "the people of the
land." We first arrived at
Lonquimay where the Mapuche in
this area are known as Pewenche.
We met the lonko (leader) who is
a very grounded and humble
leader yet has an obvious vision
for autonomy for both his local
community and the larger
Mapuche population.
Meeting the Mapuche on Their Land Student Reflection by Dave Moorer
Picture above taken by Dave Moorer
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
22 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
with impunity and any cases brought
against them are found to be in favor
of the police. Another community,
Mininco, has had their water
reservoir contaminated by a nearby
factory called Celulosa that makes
paper and other products. Over the
last three years many of their cows
have been born with birth defects or
born prematurely. At least three of
the children have had serious
problems with diarrhea since
drinking the contaminated water.
The government agency monitoring
and regulating these environmental
concerns seems to favor the
corporations, thus leaving little room
for recourse. Given these grave
concerns, Judge Guzmán has been
searching for possible legal actions
to make reparations for the damages
caused by the pollution. It sounds
just like Monsanto all over again.
The corporations that are based in
Chile operate with impunity, and
would rather spend money to get
around addressing the solution of
contamination by paying off some of
the locals with huge monetary
settlements, pitting them against
their neighbors who are receiving
no offer of reparations. On a lighter
note, we entertained the community
in Mininco with a group
performance of "I Will Survive,"
which seemed very appropriate for
the event. We were also serenaded
by some of the lovely young women
and their male guitarist who sang a
couple of beautiful tunes with
personal religious meanings. We
stayed the night in Mininco and set
off at 6:00 a.m. heading for Lieu
Lieu, 80km down the roughest road
in Chile. After two site visits, one in
Pascual Koña and the other in
Choque, we returned to a crystal
clear lake that called each of our
names. It was a perfect location
surrounded by beautiful and
grandiose forests, despite obvious
signs of deforestation. So far we
have experienced an amazing
adventure in Chile!
They have a very strong connection to
the Kuñe (mother earth) and to the
forces of nature. In the Mapuche flag,
there is a circle with four elements of
the universe: stars, moon, sun and
wind. They are very proud people and
have welcomed us all with open arms
and much generosity. One of the
women gave a large jar of honey to a
member of our group, and we have
consistently enjoyed it over breakfast
and dinner. While we are learning
about the Mapuche way of life and
building relationships, Judge Guzmán
has been meeting with various
Mapuche communities and has
defended them against many different
charges. From what we understand,
most if not all of these charges have
been made up charges by the
Caribiñeros (national police). We
interviewed a man who had lost his
right eye from being shot by the
Carabiñeros about two years ago. He
said there was no trial or much due
process involved regarding his case.
Unfortunately, the Caribiñeros operate
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
23 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Photographs by Dave Moorer
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
24 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
A Lasting Impression John Billings
My original assumptions were turned upside down
when I went to Chile. In Chile, I witnessed the
difference between theory and practice, and I also
observed a culture very different from my own. The
heritage of the Mapuche is quite different in the
sense that the community is highly valued. An
individual represents his community, and the
community advances or retreats together.
Furthermore there is a deep connection to their
land. It is deeper than what I, and probably most
people raised with Western ideals, can understand.
Outsiders from across the world, who view the
earth as a resource and seek to profit from it have
bought the land that the Chilean government has
solicited to them. These companies do not
comprehend the Mapuche way of life and taking
into account their concerns would require a great
deal of effort on their part. This is an unfortunate
disconnect since the Mapuche’s soul connection
involves the land from which the outsiders wish to
seek profit. It will take much empathy for these
outsiders to begin to understand and fight for the
Mapuche’s cause.
Sadly, it was the government that first invited these
companies to buy the land owned by the Mapuche. If
the government does not change its policy toward
these indigenous groups, these ancestral
misunderstandings will cause continual land
conflict. The Mapuche realize this; they know
overarching war involves obtaining respect from
the Chilean population, while their daily battles are
with the companies that now use their land. It
seems that Chileans, for the most part, do not view
the Mapuche favorably. Our group met many
Chileans with racist tendencies who have little
respect for the Mapuche. The Mapuche are often
labeled negatively and those Mapuche leaders
who stand for their rights are often mistreated. I
believe it is here, within the eye of the Chilean,
that the Mapuche people must struggle and work
to gain ground. If the Mapuche are seen as fellow
men and women, whose passions and desires are
seen as equally important to those of other
Chilean’s, then it is much more likely that the
Mapuche will live with peace and respect on their
land.
Though I am sure there have been previous
attempts to achieve the respect and understanding
of the Chileans, the Mapuche must continue this
battle. This is the most challenging battle for the
Mapuche – that is, the fight for respect of the
Chilean majority. In the past, the Mapuche
withstood every empire that crossed their paths,
from Incas to Spanish. Yet, they fight a very
different battle now, one of respect and
recognition. In this regard, it is not against the
Chilean people that the Mapuche fight, but against
disrespect, and the conventional lack of care and
understanding. It is hopeful that a gained respect
for the Mapuche will transform their former
enemies into loving allies, from winka to pene. It
is, after all, through respect and love that our
group, all winka, were welcomed as pene by every
wonderful Mapuche community that we visited.
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
25 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Sustaining the Human Rights Movement (1973-Present) Rebecca Walters
This reflection on the long-term sustainability of
Chile’s human rights movement during the Pinochet
era was first conceived on January 20, 2009 in
Santiago as a deliverable for the three week
practicum on Transitional (In) Justice. But that’s not
the story I’ll tell. I'll never forget the feeling of
isolation and helplessness, of hearing snippets of
news about the 2009 Gaza conflict, which left
thousands of civilians dead. I began to wonder within
the context of the Chilean state: how does a human
rights movement perpetuate itself during
dictatorship and military occupation?
The Chilean Catholic Church assumed a pivotal role
in the human rights movement following the
September 11, 1973 military coup. Ecumenical
human rights organizations such as Comite de
Cooperacion para la Paz en Chile formed immediately
after the coup, providing legal, economic, and social
services to the marginalized and vulnerable segments
of Chilean society. These organizations flourished
under the protection of the Catholic Church, which
utilized its public authority and international linkages
to insulate them from obstruction by the regime.
Although the Comite para la Paz was dissolved at the
personal request of Pinochet, Cardinal Silva created
the Vicaria de la Solidaridad in January 1976 as an
official - and, therefore, untouchable - branch of the
Catholic Church. The Vicaria established a platform
for documenting human rights issues, communicating
with international organizations, receiving needed
social services, and empowering communities
through civic participation.
These human rights interventions adapted to the
amount of political-social space the regime allowed -
organizing through churches, secular associations,
and when the moment was ripe, on the streets in the
1980s. Catholic Church-sponsored organization such
as COPACHI and La Vicaria created protected
platforms for non-violent resistance in Chilean
society. Individuals could express their social and
political activism with a degree of safety. In this
manner, under the careful watch of the Catholic
Church, the consent of the subjects was withdrawn
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
26 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
over years and decades from the military
dictatorship; the legitimacy of the undemocratic
Pinochet regime was undermined by popular
resistance. Indeed, the vigorous, detailed
documentation of human rights abuses committed by
the Pinochet regime provided an avenue for speaking
truth to power. The Catholic Church and other
organizations channeled this grass-roots information
to international NGOs, communities, and other
interested parties. And the meticulous testimonies
and evidence gathered by the lawyers of La Vicaria de
la Solidaridad assisted transitional justice efforts,
leading to the indictment of Pinochet by Judge Juan
Guzman in 2004 and the successful prosecution top
level officials.
Finally, the Chilean human rights movement embodies
the saying, “The whole is greater than the sum of its
parts.” Political, social, and civic mobilization during
the Pinochet regime was complex, nuanced, and multi-
level, merging neighborhood initiatives, legal aid
services, economic assistance, popular protests, and
international human rights campaigns by Amnesty
International, the United Nations, and the
Organization of American states. International donors
and human rights organizations provided funds for
social, legal, and community service provision. The
Chilean human rights movement arguably would not
have sustained itself in the absence of collaboration
and intersection between these forces – and the
diversity of interventions ensured its long-term
success.
Photos taken by Michelle Seivers
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
27 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Chile Practicum Agenda “Transitational Injustice” January 5-20, 2009
Monday January 5, 2009 • Visit to Villa Grimaldi • Lecture at the university
with Dr. Jan Black: “Limited Democracy and the Slide into Dictatorship”
• Visit to the city center
Tuesday January 6, 2009 • Lecture with Judge Juan
Guzmán: “Demographic and Sociological Development and Class Delineation”
• Film: Machuca • Visit to La Cases de Neruda:
La Chascona
Wednesday January 7, 2009 • Film: “El Juez y el General” • Lecture with Jugde Guzmán:
“Judging Pinochet” and “The Transition from a Dictatorship to a Democracy”
• Lecture with Dr. Jan Black: “Transition-Obstacles and Opportunities
• Film: “El Diario de Agustín”
Thursday January 8, 2009 • Visit to the Pre-Colombian
Museum • Guest Trainers-Mapudungun
Domingo and Ignacio Calfucura
• Visit to La Victoria
Friday January 9, 2009
• Arrival in Temuco • Meeting at the Consejo de
Todas las Tierras • Accommodation in Temuco
Saturday January 10, 2009
• Visit and lunch with the community of Roble Huacho
• Visit with the community of Boyeco
• Meeting with La Machi • Accommodation in
Lonquimay Monday January 12, 2009
• Visit to the Conguillío National Park and the Llaima Volcano
• Visit and dinner with the community of Valle Huelehueico in Mininco
• Accommodation near Mininco Tuesday January 13, 2009
• Early arrival in Lleu Lleu • Visit and lunch with the
community of Pascual Coña • Visit with the community of
Choque • Accommodation in Lleu Lleu
Wednesday January 14, 2009
• Visit to La Escuela para el Autogobierno in Temuco
• Accommodation in Temuco
Thursday January 15, 2009
• Visit and lunch with the community of Malalhue: Inauguration of La Escuela del Autogobierno
• Accommodation in Valdivia
Friday January 16, 2009
• Visit and lunch with community of Mehuin
• Visit to local blueberry farm owned by James Mark
• Accommodation in Valdivia
Saturday January 17, 2009
• Visit with Juana Calfunao at the Temuco jail
• Night return to Santiago Monday January 19, 2009
• Guest Speakers: Gabriela Zuniga: “Human Rights Movement” Wilma Perez Huenupe: “Rights of Indigenous Peoples” Lorenzo Morales: “Indigenous Human Rights”
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
28 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Practicum Coordinators Cameron Hunter Global Majority Executive Director/Board of Directors Cameron Hunter has an MBA and an MA in International Policy Studies with a specialization in Negotiation and Conflict Resolution. She joined Global Majority in 2005 working for the local education and training program. Originally from Santa Ynez, CA, she received her BA from UC Berkeley in English Literature. Prior to her position with Global Majority, Cameron worked as a researcher for the Center for Nonproliferation Studies and editor of the GLOBE Management Review in Monterey; intern at the Palestine Israel Journal in East Jerusalem; horse trainer in southern Portugal; and with Mother Teresa's Home for Abandoned Children in Delhi.She has studied, worked and traveled in Japan, Russia, Africa, India, Europe and the Middle East. Her recent publications involve issues facing Iraqi scientists and academics during the reconstruction of the state published by the Nuclear Threat Initiative, as well as articles advocating negotiation between Israel and Palestine for the Ma'an News Agency.
Lejla Mavris Global Majority Program Directors/President Lejla Mavris is a founding member of Global Majority. She was the executive director of Global Majority in 2006-2007 and currently is the Programs Director. Lejla received a Master’s degree in International Policy Studies and a Certificate in Conflict Resolution from the Monterey Institute of International Studies in California, with further training in conflict analysis through United States Institute of Peace. For over five years now, she teaches students and teachers of Monterey County and advocates for incorporating conflict resolution education to public school curriculums. She is also a trainer of international negotiation and mediation skills and has conducted such trainings in various cultural and regional settings in Costa Rica, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Jordan, Nepal, and the US. Previously, Lejla worked at the United Nations Refugee Agency's Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit office in Geneva for the International Professional Service Semester, publishing her work on refugee smuggling and migration. Lejla is originally from Sarajevo, Bosnia.
Jan Knippers Black MIIS Professor in Human Rights and Latin American Politics
Jan Black’s areas of expertise include Latin America politics, human rights, and international development. She holds a PhD in International Studies and an MA in Latin American studies. Her international experience includes Senior Associate Membership at St. Antony’s College, Oxford University; Fulbright, Mellon and other grants and Fellowships in South America, the Caribbean, and India; on-site or short-term teaching and honorary faculty positions in several Latin American countries, and extensive overseas lecturing and research. She has also been a Peace Corps Volunteer in Chile and a faculty member with the University of Pittsburgh’s Semester-at-Sea Program. Jan was a research professor in the Division of Public Administration, University of New Mexico, and editor and research administrator in American University’s Foreign Area Studies Division. She has also served on some two-dozen international editorial and NGO boards.
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
29 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Practicum Participants
Axel Allen MIIS- International Negotiation
Cory Belden MIIS-International Development
Craig Belden MIIS-International Trade Policy
Jason Digiacomo NPS-Foreign Area
Jennifer Billings MIIS-International Development
John Billings Private Contractor-Software Engineer
Marja Byekirova MIIS-International Development
Leah Cassidy MIIS-Human Rights
Otto Hanson MIIS-MBA: Development in L.A.
Nate Hughes MIIS-MBA
Lindsay Kreslake MIIS-Non-Proliferation
Jennie Konsella-Norene MIIS-International Development
Daryl Lambert MIIS-PCMI International Management
Josh Lease MIIS-Human Rights
Ashkin Merrikh MIIS-MBA
David Moorer MIIS-Human Security
Luniya Msuku MIIS-Conflict Resolution
Michelle Seivers MIIS- Human Rights
Joni Seeber MIIS-Environmental Protection
Robert Sousa MIIS-International Policy Studies
Rebecca Walters MIIS-Conflict Resolution
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.
30 Transitional Injustice, Chile 2009
Books:
1. Angell, Alan. Democracy After Pinochet: Politics, Parties, and Elections in Chile. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2007.
2. Black, Jan. The Politics of Human Rights Protection: Moving Intervention Upstream with Impact Assessment. Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield, Inc., 2008.
3. Black, Jan. Latin America: Its Problems and Its Promise. Boulder: Westview Press, 2005.
4. Burbach, Roger. The Pinochet Affair: State Terrorism and Global Justice. London: Zed Books, 2004.
5. Constable, Pamela, and Arturo Valenzuela. A Nation of Enemies: Chile Under Pinochet. New York: W.W. Norton, 1991.
6. Guzman Tapia, Juan. En el Borde del Mundo: Memorias del Juez que Proceso a Pinochet. Barcelona: Anagrama, 2005.
7. Kornbluh, Peter. The Pinochet File. New York: The New Press, 2003.
8. Wright, C. Thomas. State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and International Human Rights. Boulder: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007.
Movies:
The Judge and The General Machuca El Diario de Agustín
Online Resources:
Mapuche Blog: http://comunicacionesmapuchejvfkenmapu.blogspot.com/
Mapuexpress Informativo Mapuche: http://www.mapuexpress.net/ Revolver Online Magazine. La Victoria, Santiago: Under a Rough Exterior, An Inspiring Neighborhood. http://www.revolver-magazine.com/travel/59-travel/267-la-victoria.html The San Francisco Examiner. Considering Human Rights in Foreign Policy: The Mapuche Community in Chile. http://www.examiner.com/x-5249-SF-Foreign-Policy-Examiner~y2009m3d17-Considering-human-rights-in-foreign-policy-the-Mapuche-community-in-Chile
Centro de Estudios de Derechos Humanos, Universidad Central.http://www.ucentral.cl/prontus_ucentral/site/artic/20081103/pags/20081103151200.html
Lorem ipsum dolor
sit amet,
consectetuer adipiscing elit.
Recommended Readings and Resources
Generated by Foxit PDF Creator © Foxit Softwarehttp://www.foxitsoftware.com For evaluation only.